side; alah, kalah he worsted; aleh, kaleh turn; antil, kantil, anting, kanting swaying; apong, kapong drift. A passage in the early seventeenth-century MS. of Sri Rama in the Bodleian Library, Oxford, contains the verbal use, rare in Malay, fakir miskin sĕmua-nya kĕanugĕrah ayapan raja beggars and the religious poor were all in receipt of food from the prince.
t a prefix corresponding to the modern Malay tě(r) (§ 52) is a formative of function clear and intelligible. It has even the same nuances in different languages of the Malayo-Polynesian family. ‘In Fiji’, says Professor Kern, ‘words thus formed differ from adjectives and passive verbs generally in this respect, that they imply a thing has become so of itself. But it appears to be used also, when they do not wish to mention or when they do not know the agent by whom the thing has come into the state expressed by this or that form of the verb.’
A sub-form ti has been detected. Kern sees it in tiba arrive, for which he suggests the same root as in rěbah fall, and in the Javanese tilem sleep, which he contrasts with malam night (cp. tilam mattress); tiarap, tiada are other instances. In Malay one may compare unjok offer with tunjok show outright; anggul pitch (of a boat) with tanggul bob right up.
n. The modern Malay suffix an (§ 58) conceals two old. suflix formatives, one substantival as in labuhan anchorage from labuh to lower (anchor or curtain, &c.); the other superlative or intensative, a use that may be traced in words like lautan ocean from laut sea, sayuran the vegetable world from sayur vegetable.
i, which still survives as an intensative suffix for verbs (§ 62) was once also like n a substantival suffix. tui master in Fiji corresponds to the Malay tuan; and the use may be seen in the Malay pělangi rainbow from pělang stripe; rambuti rough woollen cloth from rambut hair. Like prefix k, this
